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The Essential Writings of Machiavelli

Part of Modern Library Classics

Author Niccolo Machiavelli
Introduction by Albert Russell Ascoli
Translated by Peter Constantine
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Paperback
$20.00 US
Random House Group | Modern Library
On sale Apr 03, 2007 | 544 Pages | 9780812974232
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Finalist for the 2008 Pen Translation Award

“Essential is right. This compact and brilliantly edited volume enfolds not just The Prince, but also a splendidly translated assortment of political works, essays, and treatises, as well as a fine selection of literary gems and letters. Of particular value is the careful footnoting and cross-referencing, and the translated references from Greek and Latin, which Constantine places as footnotes on the page (bravo: you don’t have to look in the back). Precise attention is paid to the nuances of key words as they change over time: no one is more skilled or knowledgeable than he is, or more able to capture the humor as well as the seriousness of Machiavelli, in all his states.”
—Mary Ann Caws, Distinguished Professor of Comparative Literature, English, and French at the Graduate School of the City University of New York


In The Essential Writings of Machiavelli, Peter Constantine has assembled a comprehensive collection that shows the true depth and breadth of a great Renaissance thinker. Refreshingly accessible, these superb new translations are faithful to Machiavelli’s original, beautifully crafted writings.

The volume features essays that appear in English for the first time, such as “A Caution to the Medici” and “The Persecution of Africa.” Also included are complete versions of the political treatise, The Prince, the comic satire The Mandrake, The Life of Castruccio Castracani, and the classic story “Belfagor”, along with selections from The Discourses, The Art of War, and Florentine Histories. Augmented with useful features–vital and concise annotations and cross-references–this unique compendium is certain to become the standard one-volume reference to this influential, versatile, and ever timely writer.

Praise for The Essential Writings of Machiavelli:

“This judicious selection of Machiavelli’s most revealing works by one of the foremost literary translators of our time, Peter Constantine, elegantly captures in English the pith of Machiavelli’s brilliant Italian prose. Students of political thought and Italian letters will find this the best selection available of the great Florentine’s writings.” —Edward Muir, Clarence L. Ver Steeg Professor in the Arts and Sciences, Northwestern University

“If one were to assign a single edition of Machiavelli's works, this most certainly would be it.  No other collection presents as many sides of the great Florentine:  Machiavelli the political advisor, philosopher, historian, playwright, and—through a generous sampling of his correspondences—the man.  Remaining ever faithful to Machiavelli's serious, dangerous and often hilarious intentions, Constantine successfully conveys the brisk gallop of Machiavellian prose.  A boon to the student, instructor, and curious layperson, this should be THE point of introduction to Machiavelli in the English language.” —John P. McCormick, Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Chicago


“The Essential Writings of Machiavelli is a long-overdue contribution to English-language editions of the Italian Renaissance's most elusive yet profound thinker. Constantine's selections and lucid translations demonstrate Machiavelli's thematic and stylistic range as a writer, revealing his surprisingly inexpedient loyalty to friends and allies, his explosively satirical sense of humor, his stubborn idealism, and his evident affection for his family and for Florence—in short, his humanity….And Ascoli's introduction reminds us with clarity and concision—and a little trepidation—how reflecting on Machiavelli's world and the political problems it posed compels us to confront the dilemmas, contradictions, and violence of our own ideologically turbulent world." —Mark Jurdjevic, Assistant Professor of History, University of Ottawa


“Machiavelli's stress on political necessity rather than moral perfection helped inspire the Renaissance, by renewing links with Thucydides and other classical thinkers. This new collection provides deeper insight into Machiavelli's personality as a writer, thus broadening our understanding of him.” —Robert D. Kaplan, author of "Warrior Politics: Why Leadership Demands a Pagan Ethos" 


“Machiavelli, famous for The Prince, was a multifaceted author, a protean thing. Just when we think we understand him, we read further and discover that he was far more coy and complicated than we at first believed. He fits into no single category. The major contribution of this collection of Machiavelli’s works—of his political theory, his essays, his theater, his satires, and his letters—is to make it possible, finally, for readers to round out their understanding of one of the most important (and least understood) thinkers of all time. Peter Constantine’s selection is not only intelligent, his translations are astonishingly good. Thoughtfully introduced by Albert Russell Ascoli, Constantine’s edition belongs in everyone’s library. Perhaps now more than ever we have much to learn from this Renaissance thinker, present at the birth of the modern world.” —John Jeffries Martin, Professor and Chair, Department of History, Trinity University
Chapter One

Of the kinds of principalities that exist, and how they can be acquired

All states, all dominions that rule or have ruled over men, are or have been either republics or principalities. Principalities are either hereditary, with a long-established bloodline, or new. And the new principalities are either entirely new, as Milan was to Francesco Sforza,2 or are like limbs added to the hereditary state of the prince who acquires them, as the Kingdom of Naples was to the King of Spain.3 States obtained in this way are accustomed either to living under a prince, or to being free. They are acquired either with the arms of others, or with one’s own, either by chance or by skill.

2. Francesco Sforza (1401–66) was a soldier of fortune who became Duke of Milan in 1450.

3. Ferdinand the Catholic (1452–1516), King of Aragon, also became Ferdinand III of Naples in 1504.

chapter two

Of hereditary principalities

I will not discuss republics, as I have already done so at some length elsewhere. I shall only concentrate on principalities, and shall weave together the threads I have already laid out. I will show how these principalities can be governed and maintained.

First, states that are hereditary and tied to the bloodline of their prince are easier to maintain than new ones. It is enough not to diverge from the practices of one’s forebears, and to handle unforeseen issues as they arise. If such a prince is of at least average ability he can retain his position of power, so long as no extraordinary or excessive force deprive him of it. If this prince is deprived of his state, he will find he can reacquire it if any misfortune befalls the usurper.

In Italy we have the example of the Duke of Ferrara, who resisted the assaults of the Venetians in 1484 and of Pope Julius II in 1510, for the simple reason that he had inherited an ancient principality.4 A hereditary prince has less cause to mistreat his subjects, and so is more loved by them. If unusual vices do not make him hated, it is to be expected that he will be loved by his people.

The long continuum of the dominion obliterates the memories and issues that make men yearn for innovation, for one change will inevitably forge a link to another.

4. In fact, Duke Ercole d’Este of Ferrara managed to end the war with Venetians in 1484, while his son Duke Alfonso managed to stay in power despite excommunication and an ongoing war with the papal forces.

chapter three

Of mixed principalities

It is in the new principality that the difficulties lie. First, if the principality is not completely new, but is like a limb or extension added to another principality (in which case we could almost call the whole state a mixed principality), its volatility stems mainly from a difficulty inherent in all new principalities. This is that men will willingly change their ruler in the hope that they will fare better, a hope that leads them to take up arms against their old ruler. But in this they are deceived, because, as they invariably discover, their lot under a new ruler is inevitably worse. This is the result of another natural and basic inevitability: that you cannot avoid offending those whose new ruler you are, both with your armed soldiers and with innumerable other provocations that come in the wake of a conquest. You end up making enemies of all those you have offended during your conquest of the principality, and you find that you cannot keep the friendship of those who helped you to power, since you cannot satisfy them in the way they had envisioned. Furthermore, you cannot take strong measures against them, as you are indebted to them. Even with the most powerful army, if you want to invade a state, you need the support of the people. It was for these reasons that King Louis XII of France was quick to occupy Milan, and just as quick to lose it. Duke Ludovico’s own forces were enough to win Milan back the first time, because the same masses that had opened the gates for Louis, finding themselves misled in their hopes for a better future, could not endure the new prince’s offenses.5

It is a fact that once a prince acquires a rebellious state for the second time, it also proves harder to lose that state a second time.6 This is because the prince who seizes the opportunity of the rebellion has fewer scruples about securing his position by punishing offenders, flushing out suspects, and strengthening all the places where he is weakest. In this sense, it was enough for a Duke Ludovico to make a little noise along the borders for Louis XII to lose Milan the first time. But for him to lose Milan a second time the whole world had to unite against him, defeat his army, and chase it out of Italy.7 This followed from the causes I have already laid out. Nonetheless, both the first and second time, Milan was taken from him.

The general reasons for the first loss have been discussed. It now remains to discuss the second, and to see what recourse someone in Louis’s position could have taken to maintain himself more securely in his new acquisition. I must stress that the states a prince acquires and adds to his own are either of the same country and language, or are not. If they are it is much easier to retain them, particularly if they are not used to freedom. To hold them securely, it is enough to extinguish the line of the previous prince who ruled them. As for the rest, if the new acquisition’s former state of affairs is kept and there is no difference in customs, men will live quite peacefully, as we have seen in Burgundy, Brittany, Gascony, and Normandy, which for a long time now have all belonged to France. Although there is some difference in language, their customs are similar, and their people get along with one another quite easily. He who acquires such states and wishes to retain them has to make sure of two things: that the bloodline of their former princes is extinguished, and that their laws and taxes remain the same. This way, the prince’s new state merges with the old, quickly becoming a single body.
Copyright © 2007 by Niccolo Machiavelli. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527) was a Florentine statesman who was later forced out of public life. He then devoted himself to studying and writing political philosophy, history, fiction, and drama. View titles by Niccolo Machiavelli

About

Finalist for the 2008 Pen Translation Award

“Essential is right. This compact and brilliantly edited volume enfolds not just The Prince, but also a splendidly translated assortment of political works, essays, and treatises, as well as a fine selection of literary gems and letters. Of particular value is the careful footnoting and cross-referencing, and the translated references from Greek and Latin, which Constantine places as footnotes on the page (bravo: you don’t have to look in the back). Precise attention is paid to the nuances of key words as they change over time: no one is more skilled or knowledgeable than he is, or more able to capture the humor as well as the seriousness of Machiavelli, in all his states.”
—Mary Ann Caws, Distinguished Professor of Comparative Literature, English, and French at the Graduate School of the City University of New York


In The Essential Writings of Machiavelli, Peter Constantine has assembled a comprehensive collection that shows the true depth and breadth of a great Renaissance thinker. Refreshingly accessible, these superb new translations are faithful to Machiavelli’s original, beautifully crafted writings.

The volume features essays that appear in English for the first time, such as “A Caution to the Medici” and “The Persecution of Africa.” Also included are complete versions of the political treatise, The Prince, the comic satire The Mandrake, The Life of Castruccio Castracani, and the classic story “Belfagor”, along with selections from The Discourses, The Art of War, and Florentine Histories. Augmented with useful features–vital and concise annotations and cross-references–this unique compendium is certain to become the standard one-volume reference to this influential, versatile, and ever timely writer.

Praise for The Essential Writings of Machiavelli:

“This judicious selection of Machiavelli’s most revealing works by one of the foremost literary translators of our time, Peter Constantine, elegantly captures in English the pith of Machiavelli’s brilliant Italian prose. Students of political thought and Italian letters will find this the best selection available of the great Florentine’s writings.” —Edward Muir, Clarence L. Ver Steeg Professor in the Arts and Sciences, Northwestern University

“If one were to assign a single edition of Machiavelli's works, this most certainly would be it.  No other collection presents as many sides of the great Florentine:  Machiavelli the political advisor, philosopher, historian, playwright, and—through a generous sampling of his correspondences—the man.  Remaining ever faithful to Machiavelli's serious, dangerous and often hilarious intentions, Constantine successfully conveys the brisk gallop of Machiavellian prose.  A boon to the student, instructor, and curious layperson, this should be THE point of introduction to Machiavelli in the English language.” —John P. McCormick, Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Chicago


“The Essential Writings of Machiavelli is a long-overdue contribution to English-language editions of the Italian Renaissance's most elusive yet profound thinker. Constantine's selections and lucid translations demonstrate Machiavelli's thematic and stylistic range as a writer, revealing his surprisingly inexpedient loyalty to friends and allies, his explosively satirical sense of humor, his stubborn idealism, and his evident affection for his family and for Florence—in short, his humanity….And Ascoli's introduction reminds us with clarity and concision—and a little trepidation—how reflecting on Machiavelli's world and the political problems it posed compels us to confront the dilemmas, contradictions, and violence of our own ideologically turbulent world." —Mark Jurdjevic, Assistant Professor of History, University of Ottawa


“Machiavelli's stress on political necessity rather than moral perfection helped inspire the Renaissance, by renewing links with Thucydides and other classical thinkers. This new collection provides deeper insight into Machiavelli's personality as a writer, thus broadening our understanding of him.” —Robert D. Kaplan, author of "Warrior Politics: Why Leadership Demands a Pagan Ethos" 


“Machiavelli, famous for The Prince, was a multifaceted author, a protean thing. Just when we think we understand him, we read further and discover that he was far more coy and complicated than we at first believed. He fits into no single category. The major contribution of this collection of Machiavelli’s works—of his political theory, his essays, his theater, his satires, and his letters—is to make it possible, finally, for readers to round out their understanding of one of the most important (and least understood) thinkers of all time. Peter Constantine’s selection is not only intelligent, his translations are astonishingly good. Thoughtfully introduced by Albert Russell Ascoli, Constantine’s edition belongs in everyone’s library. Perhaps now more than ever we have much to learn from this Renaissance thinker, present at the birth of the modern world.” —John Jeffries Martin, Professor and Chair, Department of History, Trinity University

Excerpt

Chapter One

Of the kinds of principalities that exist, and how they can be acquired

All states, all dominions that rule or have ruled over men, are or have been either republics or principalities. Principalities are either hereditary, with a long-established bloodline, or new. And the new principalities are either entirely new, as Milan was to Francesco Sforza,2 or are like limbs added to the hereditary state of the prince who acquires them, as the Kingdom of Naples was to the King of Spain.3 States obtained in this way are accustomed either to living under a prince, or to being free. They are acquired either with the arms of others, or with one’s own, either by chance or by skill.

2. Francesco Sforza (1401–66) was a soldier of fortune who became Duke of Milan in 1450.

3. Ferdinand the Catholic (1452–1516), King of Aragon, also became Ferdinand III of Naples in 1504.

chapter two

Of hereditary principalities

I will not discuss republics, as I have already done so at some length elsewhere. I shall only concentrate on principalities, and shall weave together the threads I have already laid out. I will show how these principalities can be governed and maintained.

First, states that are hereditary and tied to the bloodline of their prince are easier to maintain than new ones. It is enough not to diverge from the practices of one’s forebears, and to handle unforeseen issues as they arise. If such a prince is of at least average ability he can retain his position of power, so long as no extraordinary or excessive force deprive him of it. If this prince is deprived of his state, he will find he can reacquire it if any misfortune befalls the usurper.

In Italy we have the example of the Duke of Ferrara, who resisted the assaults of the Venetians in 1484 and of Pope Julius II in 1510, for the simple reason that he had inherited an ancient principality.4 A hereditary prince has less cause to mistreat his subjects, and so is more loved by them. If unusual vices do not make him hated, it is to be expected that he will be loved by his people.

The long continuum of the dominion obliterates the memories and issues that make men yearn for innovation, for one change will inevitably forge a link to another.

4. In fact, Duke Ercole d’Este of Ferrara managed to end the war with Venetians in 1484, while his son Duke Alfonso managed to stay in power despite excommunication and an ongoing war with the papal forces.

chapter three

Of mixed principalities

It is in the new principality that the difficulties lie. First, if the principality is not completely new, but is like a limb or extension added to another principality (in which case we could almost call the whole state a mixed principality), its volatility stems mainly from a difficulty inherent in all new principalities. This is that men will willingly change their ruler in the hope that they will fare better, a hope that leads them to take up arms against their old ruler. But in this they are deceived, because, as they invariably discover, their lot under a new ruler is inevitably worse. This is the result of another natural and basic inevitability: that you cannot avoid offending those whose new ruler you are, both with your armed soldiers and with innumerable other provocations that come in the wake of a conquest. You end up making enemies of all those you have offended during your conquest of the principality, and you find that you cannot keep the friendship of those who helped you to power, since you cannot satisfy them in the way they had envisioned. Furthermore, you cannot take strong measures against them, as you are indebted to them. Even with the most powerful army, if you want to invade a state, you need the support of the people. It was for these reasons that King Louis XII of France was quick to occupy Milan, and just as quick to lose it. Duke Ludovico’s own forces were enough to win Milan back the first time, because the same masses that had opened the gates for Louis, finding themselves misled in their hopes for a better future, could not endure the new prince’s offenses.5

It is a fact that once a prince acquires a rebellious state for the second time, it also proves harder to lose that state a second time.6 This is because the prince who seizes the opportunity of the rebellion has fewer scruples about securing his position by punishing offenders, flushing out suspects, and strengthening all the places where he is weakest. In this sense, it was enough for a Duke Ludovico to make a little noise along the borders for Louis XII to lose Milan the first time. But for him to lose Milan a second time the whole world had to unite against him, defeat his army, and chase it out of Italy.7 This followed from the causes I have already laid out. Nonetheless, both the first and second time, Milan was taken from him.

The general reasons for the first loss have been discussed. It now remains to discuss the second, and to see what recourse someone in Louis’s position could have taken to maintain himself more securely in his new acquisition. I must stress that the states a prince acquires and adds to his own are either of the same country and language, or are not. If they are it is much easier to retain them, particularly if they are not used to freedom. To hold them securely, it is enough to extinguish the line of the previous prince who ruled them. As for the rest, if the new acquisition’s former state of affairs is kept and there is no difference in customs, men will live quite peacefully, as we have seen in Burgundy, Brittany, Gascony, and Normandy, which for a long time now have all belonged to France. Although there is some difference in language, their customs are similar, and their people get along with one another quite easily. He who acquires such states and wishes to retain them has to make sure of two things: that the bloodline of their former princes is extinguished, and that their laws and taxes remain the same. This way, the prince’s new state merges with the old, quickly becoming a single body.
Copyright © 2007 by Niccolo Machiavelli. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.

Author

Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527) was a Florentine statesman who was later forced out of public life. He then devoted himself to studying and writing political philosophy, history, fiction, and drama. View titles by Niccolo Machiavelli

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